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China
and the World Trade Organization (WTO)
Below
is a reproduced article by James P. Zumwalt, Economic Minister
Counselor, United States Embassy, Beijing (This article is
in the public domain; no republication restrictions.)
With
its accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) on December
11, 2001, China became one of the last major trading
nations to join
that organization. And the message to the world was clear:
China is prepared to become a fully vested player in the
global economy.
WTO membership will generate tremendous benefits for China
-- expanding trade, spearheading further economic reform,
attracting
even higher
levels of foreign investment, and fostering the rule of law.
At
home, WTO membership will undoubtedly thrust significant responsibilities
and challenges on the Chinese leadership
and the Chinese people.
Abroad, it will fundamentally redefine China's relations
with other countries, especially with the United States,
its most
significant
export market, not to mention its neighbors in the Asian
region.
One
thing is certain: The changes wrought by China's WTO accession
will reach far beyond just the trade-related
aspects of its
relations with other countries, engendering many benefits
as well as challenges.
How best to bolster the benefits and mitigate the risks
remains a subject of considerable debate among policy planners,
business
people,
and consumers.
Why
China Needs The WTO China's
explosive economic expansion over the past 20 years is a well-known
success story. Fueled by vigorous
reform
efforts, growth
rates averaging nearly 10 percent annually have created
a vast array of new job and investment opportunities,
making
China
more
prosperous.
The effect of China's transformation from an inward-looking,
planned economy to a more market-oriented, trading
powerhouse has reverberated
throughout the global economy, influencing everything
from consumer choice to investment flows.
Rapid-fire
growth has not been cost free, however. In particular, it has
cast a harsh light on some
of the
structural weaknesses
of China's economic system, particularly in agriculture,
finance, and
state-owned enterprises. The dilemma for China has
been, and will continue to be, how best to keep the
dual momentum
of
economic growth
and structural reform going. For if one were to stall,
the other might very well stumble, potentially unleashing
a whole
new set
of economic challenges and difficulties.
In
many respects, WTO membership is China's best option for sustaining
the pace of economic growth
and reform.
As the
world economy
has become vastly more complex and interconnected,
China's participation in it -- according to the
rules of international
trade -- has
become
that much more critical for China, as well as for
the United States, Asia, and the world. As a WTO
member,
China will
be able to participate
in the formulation of rules that govern international
trade and investment.
Similarly,
it will be able to defend its trade interests using the WTO dispute-settlement
system. Chinese
exporters will benefit
from
the certainty that their trading partners must
obey WTO rules. This means, for example, that WTO members
will
not be able
to discriminate
against Chinese products in their home markets.
WTO
membership will make China even more attractive
to foreign investors.
And more money
invested in China means more high-paying jobs,
more government tax receipts, and more technology transfers.
China's
WTO commitments will facilitate increased competition
in every
sector of the
economy.
Chinese consumers will be the direct beneficiaries
as competition encourages a larger range of choices,
lower
prices, and higher
quality, not to mention a greater awareness of
and
appreciation for intellectual
property rights and consumer rights. Competition
will foster gains in efficiency and productivity,
which
will strengthen
China's economy
over time and enhance the ability of Chinese firms
to compete with the best multinationals in any
market.
China's
economy will benefit from the expanded range of services -- insurance,
finance, distribution
--
that foreign companies
want to bring into China after its WTO accession.
Competition in this
area will, in turn, stimulate China's homegrown
services sector, giving companies and consumers
an even broader
range of choices.
Perhaps
most importantly, consumers and companies alike will benefit
from an expanded rule of
law as China
implements its WTO commitments,
particularly those designed to foster the highest
degree of transparency and trade-related nondiscrimination.
China's Responsibilities Under the WTO
While China is poised to benefit greatly from
joining the WTO, it is important to keep
in mind that WTO
membership conveys
not only
certain rights but also specific responsibilities.
China labored through 15 years of tough negotiations,
particularly
with the
United States and the European Union, to
achieve WTO membership.
The commitments
China has made are extensive. For a comprehensive
understanding of them, one could pore over
the some 1,000 pages of
China's Protocol,
Working Party Report, and Schedules of Commitments
on Goods and Services. Short of doing that,
we can summarize
the key
components
of China's
accession package as follows:
*
Tariff reductions Industrial tariffs of greatest importance to
U.S. businesses
will be reduced
from 25 percent to
7 percent. *
Agricultural tariffs of greatest importance to U.S. farmers will
be reduced from 31
percent to
14 percent.
*
Services commitments Substantial opening of a broad range of
service sectors,
including important
U.S.
sectors such
as banking, insurance, telecommunications,
and professional services.
*
Systemic reforms Broad reforms in the areas of transparency,
notice and comment, uniform application of laws, and
judicial review will
help to
address barriers
to foreign companies doing business in China.
*
Adherence to existing WTO agreements China will take on the obligations
of numerous existing WTO agreements
covering
all
aspects of trade,
such as agriculture,
import licensing, trade-related aspects of intellectual
property rights, technical barriers to trade, and trade-related
investment
measures.
*
China-specific trade-liberalizing provisions Right to import
from and export to customers in China directly
within
three
years. *
Right to engage in distribution of all products in China within
three years of accession (except that
chemical fertilizers,
crude
oil, and
refined petroleum
can be distributed at the wholesale level five years
after accession, and chemical fertilizers can be sold
at the
retail level five
years after accession).
*
Investment and import approvals no longer subject to trade-distorting
requirements such as technology
transfer,
foreign exchange
balancing, export performance,
and local content requirements.
* Right to export to China without establishing an
investment presence there. *
Phase-out of nontariff measures (NTMs) such as quotas and licenses
on
hundreds of products, with all WTO-inconsistent NTMs eliminated
by January
1, 2005.
*
Elimination of state-trading import monopolies for agricultural
and industrial products.
*
Requirement that state-owned enterprises must make purchases
and sales based solely on commercial
considerations.
*
Elimination of export subsidies on agricultural goods and elimination
of import substitution
and export subsidies
on
industrial goods. *
Safeguard mechanisms The United States and other WTO members
can continue to use special nonmarket economy
methodology for measuring dumping in
antidumping cases against China for 15 years.
*
Under a China-specific safeguard mechanism, the United States
and other WTO members can restrain increasing
imports from
China that
disrupt their
markets
for 12 years. The
time and effort involved in negotiating these commitments stand
as a testament to China's determination to become
a fully integrated
player
in
the rules-based
global trading regime. Although the battle to achieve
the victory of WTO accession was hard fought, in many
respects
another
equally worthwhile
but difficult challenge
confronts the nation. As can be seen from the above
list of commitments, China is making enormous changes to
meet
its WTO
obligations
-- restructuring industries,
publishing previously internal laws and regulations,
establishing formal procedures to adjudicate disputes,
and leveling
the playing field for
foreign
companies.
It has agreed to slash tariffs and to eliminate import
quotas, to dismantle export subsidies, and to open
service industries
to foreign
competition.
Some of these
changes will come immediately; others will be phased
in over a period of a few years.
China and Its Neighbors
With its 1.3 billion people and an increasingly diverse
and growing economy, China's accession (in conjunction
with that
of Taiwan)
inextricably alters
the composition and character of the trade organization,
and it will have a direct
bearing on China's relations with other nations,
particularly its neighbors. Many Asian nations are faced with
recession
and are
looking to a growth
in exports to revive their economies. In some respects,
China represents both
a competitive
challenge to these goals and an opportunity to gain
from its strong economic performance.
Between
1995 and 2001, China's share of global exports rose from 2.9
percent to 3.9 percent while exports
from Thailand
and Indonesia
during
the same
period stagnated. In the last four years, China
has overtaken both Malaysia and Singapore
in electronics exports to the United States.
On the other hand, China's WTO accession also can
translate into improved growth in gross domestic
product (GDP)
for countries with high-value
exports. According
to a recent study by investment bank UBS Warburg,
China's accession will give Taiwan's economy a
boost equivalent
to 1.7 percent
of Taiwan's 2000
GDP by 2005.
Asia's other newly industrialized economies are
projected to benefit by 1.1 percent of their 2000
GDPs as China's
demand for
their exports
increases.
For
most of Southeast Asia, however, the prospects are not as bright.
UBS Warburg estimates that
Southeast Asian
economies
will lose
between the
equivalent of
0.1 percent and 0.2 percent of their 2000 GDPs
by 2005. For India,
this figure could be as high as 0.7 percent.
This is one of the reasons the
Association
of Southeast Asian Nations and China have agreed
to try to liberalize trade between
them.
U.S.-China Relations
How well China fulfills its obligations of WTO
membership will directly affect the future
direction of U.S.-China
relations. China's leaders
have stated
time and again their determination to implement
fully their country's commitments. It is in
the interests
of both the
United
States
and China to avoid a scenario
in which trade frictions are exacerbated by
China's inability or unwillingness to meet its many WTO
commitments.
That
said, trade frictions between the United States and China will
not disappear with
WTO accession,
just as they
have not
disappeared between
the United
States and many of our trading partners who
are longstanding WTO members. If anything,
there is potential for an increase, at least
initially, as the size
and scope of our trade relationship grow.
China already enjoys a burgeoning
trade surplus
with the United States. If American companies
discover that promised access to China's
markets does not
materialize as
quickly as
anticipated, the
result may
be an unstable combination of sluggish U.S.
export growth, a politically unsustainable
Chinese bilateral
trade surplus,
and
heightened trade
frictions.
The
United States and other WTO members are playing a vital role
in trying to avoid
just such a scenario
by
offering
China assistance
in meeting
its WTO obligations.
Our consulate general in Shanghai, for
example, has worked with the U.S.-China Business Council
to put
together
a video-conferencing program in which
American trade-law experts speak to Chinese
officials. Similarly, our embassy in Beijing
is working with Beijing University and
a
local distance-learning institution to
provide online
WTO training opportunities
in communities
throughout
China. Our commercial section is arranging
a
series of seminars to
expose local
officials to WTO principles. The European
Union has allocated approximately $23 million
to bring Chinese officials up to speed
on WTO
rules and concepts such as protection of
intellectual property.
Although
China is under tremendous pressure to abide by international
rules and meet
fully its
WTO commitments,
it is important
to remember that trade
disputes
are not a one-way street. China too will
have recourse to WTO mechanisms to address
its trade
complaints
against other
WTO
members.
Despite
the challenges that lie ahead for China, there is no question
that
joining
the WTO is
the right choice
for
China
and good for
the world economic
system.
WTO membership will inextricably link
China to the global economic community,
eventually
bringing
with
it more
employment and
investment opportunities,
and greater social stability, as the
rule of law takes deeper root in governing
economic
transactions in China. Americans will
benefit from greater export opportunities
in China,
more job
creation at home,
and more diverse
options for overseas
investment. As trade and business links
between our two nations expand, so
too will face-to-face
contact between Chinese and American
citizens, exchanges
of ideas, and transfers of technology.
The growing sense of interdependence
engendered
by the WTO
should also help foster a stronger
sense of
common purpose as
China and the United States
work more closely together on a broad
range of issues relevant to global
economic stability,
security, and prosperity.
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